Eusebius of Caesarea supported Arius as well. Eusebius was led by enthusiasm for this particular emperor and not particularly interested in drawing up a theory of the emperorship as such or in the relationship between the ruler and the Church. In compiling the indexes, I received valuable assistance from Dr Tomásˇ Novák Diemen. The Christians and the Roman Empire and Society 1. The anointment following the act of immersion is supposed to impart the gift of the Holy Spirit who stimulates human reason by enlightenment and strengthens the will by his force. Emanation was the basic structure of this world-view.
Eusebius has been criticised for that by later scholarship. Lactantius was born in Africa before 250. It was a huge blow to the Arian party since it was surmised that the participants in the were evenly split between non-Arians and Arians. On 23 February 303, the day of the Roman feast for the god of the limits, Diocletian and Galerius decided to limit the Christian expansion, which was such an obvious hindrance to the state cult and to other religions as well. He dispensed clerics from orderly duties to which civilians could normally be constrained. In 362 Julian moved to Antioch, a city he thought more inclined to the pagan cults than Constantinople. After the almost complete breakdown of the Athanasian or Old Nicene party, this was the moment of its resurgence and, at the same time, of the start of new developments.
In this document they stressed that by confessing Father, Son and Holy Spirit according to the Scriptures as distinct persons, they do not introduce three gods. In order to understand Arius, two contexts to which he was indebted should be discerned. After the Fall, a process of gradual deterioration had started leading to a widespread obscuration, manifest in primitive religiosity. He continued to do so with Constans as long as this emperor controlled the west. Nevertheless, by the year 330, Eusebius of Nicomedia succeeded in matching these local Egyptian schismatics with the anti-Nicene opposition: more than any other, they should be able to provide him with details of misbehaviour of Athanasius that could be used as allegations against him.
Church in the age of Constantine. But the Father is his origin and eternal begetter. Because of this turn, Christianity not only retained the apostates, even pagans felt attracted to a religion which promised them both salvation and indulgence with their weaknesses! But again there is no reference to any of the emperors who organised the recent persecution, nor to the role of Constantine with regard to the second and third proof of the triumphant lordship of Christ. We now have to look at another visionary experience Constantine is recorded to have had on the eve of his battle against Maxentius. Satan and his demons were constantly leading into temptations and errors. After the débâcle of the double synod of 359 Hilary attended the one that was held at Seleucia and the combined synod in Constantinople , he was allowed to return to Gaul. Eusebius has indeed proved to be a contextual theologian, who set out to assist his fellow believers to understand their time and to update their attitude.
Such discussions demand examination and Roldanus provides a refined theological screening of the doctrinal and ethical thinking during the fourth century. The myths that told such fates were mostly linked with the cycle of nature and not with any event in history. Thus, as we saw, as soon as he had brought the west under his authority, he ordered to render and restore church property. His local synods sent letters to the east. Opposition from the west: Hilary of Poitiers Hilary c.
Since the great majority of the Rimini synod still held to the Nicene formula, its 400 members were detained on the spot, in the heat of summertime, while two delegations went to see the Emperor. The second explanation denies him religious feelings and motivations at all and sees him as only a very clever politician, who was using religion for purely political ambitions. A bishop enjoyed additional support when a holy monk stood on his side. Three main cultural areas can be distinguished. Constantius, the western Caesar, stood under the patronage of Apollo, the main god of the Greeks, also associated with the sun god, the universal benefactor. Through this second victory of Constantine, Christianity rose to the status of fully accepted religion in the whole Roman Empire.
How could a merciful God be represented as impassive?. For the moment, the decree of tolerance was circumvented by Maximinus Daia. I, The Late First Century to the Eve of the Reformation. The Eusebian view of history as the progressive and victorious revelation of the Logos did not leave any room for a repaganisation of Roman civilisation and emperorship. Hilary wanted the confession of Nicaea to be the theological standard.
The Catholics already possessed a style of dealing with heretics and schismatics: they simply had to submit! Basically he was an exegete and a biblical theologian who used the results of this discipline as the basis of a comprehensive framework of world history. But this evidently did not bother anyone, and certainly The Church Fathers assess the change 59 not Eusebius. This creative answer pushed the Church on the way to take to the masses. It is a kind of application of the Deuteronomistic view of history, theme and form being rather Jewish and Christian than classical. What Arius attributed to Christ as created Logos, Athanasius assigns to the Christian. Up to the year 350 he was more powerful than his eastern brother, but then he was worsted so that Constantius alone remained in power, reuniting all territories into one empire.
This raised the problem of the space left to human free will and decision. Such an idea of one supreme godhead could satisfy the monotheistic tendencies of the epoch. Anger is part of that. But in one thing the old man saw very clearly, and he bequeathed to Church and Emperor a guideline for their relationship, which was going to be tested and developed in the last decades of the fourth century. When provincial synods became a regular practice, the metropolitan was their normal chairman and, owing to this function, obtained superintendence over the other bishops. For three centuries they had been familiar with public hostility, physical uncertainty, emotional suspicions, literary polemics and — at best — de-facto tolerance; now they had to interpret the political and social realities in a new way and to adjust their theological concepts and ethical behaviour to this new interpretation.